Contrary to what those who jump to conclusions say, the GCC is not so sluggish or not productive enough, but may be looking longer than necessary before it leaps. Despite its great idea, it was created amid extremely difficult political and regional circumstances, in the middle of a large Arab region threatened with fragmentation, watched by foreign powers which try to seize parts of it. Contrary to what was then said in some political writings, the GCC was not a gathering of the Arab rich elite, but was created in response to the challenges facing the Gulf region at the time.

Major challenges

The three reasons behind the foundation of the council may be outlined as follows:

First, the security challenge: The GCC was created in an attempt to find peace in a war-torn area. The fire of the Iran-Iraq war, in its second year, was about to reach other Gulf countries, particularly Kuwait. Iranian threats to widen the scope of the war or strike oil wells never stopped. Oil tankers caught fire repeatedly in Gulf waters. In a surprise air strike, Israel destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor which was still under construction, while assassination squads were planning to murder the Egyptian President Anwar El-Sadat as he was celebrating this victory in the October war.

Against that turbulent political background, Arabian Gulf countries had to look for a cover or shelter, especially after the superpowers left the region at the beginning of the 1970s, and had to rely on themselves and derive their power from joining forces.

No doubt, the creation of the GCC was a positive, welcome step. After all those years, security concerns are still felt, and the conditions around the Gulf counties are still turbulent as they were in the early 1980s. Iraq still suffers instability with internal strife undermining its security and that of its neighbours. Iran occupies UAE s islands against the will of their people, and pursues its nuclear programme and receives Western threats with more violent ones, which implies covering Gulf states. Moreover, the countries round the Gulf have become more powerful and ferocious since they possessed nuclear weapons. The problem does not arise only from Iran whose nuclear programme is still in an early stage, but from Israel, the obvious enemy which definitely possesses a number of nuclear bombs which it keeps threatening (its neighbours) with, as well as from nearby friends, such as India and Pakistan whose thousands of nationals live in the Gulf. What intensifies this threat is the rise of international terrorism, which requires new, advanced means of protection which all countries, including the Gulf ones, should have.

Second, the economic challenge: The early 1980s witnessed a sharp drop in the price of oil, the main income of all Gulf countries. It was not feasible for each country to act alone to find a way out of that crisis, and all Gulf countries found they were in need of a bigger entity, a safety net. With the failure of all larger Arab unity projects, these countries had to join forces and re-organize their geographical and economic maps as far as possible. The total area of the GCC countries is 2,673,000 km2, the largest part of which belongs to Saudi Arabia; the rest occupies small, enclosed areas. The total population is 36.2m. GDP is about $ 823 bn, with $22,800 per capita income (GCC General Secretariat 2007). Dividing these figures by the six countries which make up the GCC shows how extremely modest they are among a world which seeks larger blocs. The Gulf counties had therefore to open their borders in an attempt to achieve some sort of economic, social and security integration in the first place.

In addition, there were other economic challenges and changes, mainly GATT, which dominated the world and threatened small countries with total removal of customs barriers, and grants customs and tax relief to large economic blocs only. These challenges still exist, and to add injury to salt, the current global financial crisis threatens a slowdown in economic growth and a further fall in oil prices.

Third, the cultural challenge: The Gulf countries felt a strong need to defend their cultural identity. The all are Muslim countries and belong to the Arab world with Arabic their mother tongue, but many different and mixed identities share their land. In the wider circle, globalization forces threaten the legacy and culture of smaller entities. That urged the Arab countries to assert themselves and reinforce their identity through joining forces.

The challenges which prompted the creation of the GCC are still there and have even intensified. This affirms the need for and the importance of the Council. Nobody denies its role in the face of the ferocious invasion launched against Kuwait by the former Iraqi regime. The hardline stance of the GCC member states played a decisive role in safeguarding Kuwait s legitimacy and siding by it until liberation. The GCC also maintained Arab Gulf countries cohesion and cooperation amid a state of fragmentation which has beset the Arab world in recent years.

Successes or failures?

What is the GCC s record of achievements during 28 years? Has it achieved even some of its objectives? As a matter of fact, a lot of criticism in levelled at the Council s march, though everybody feels it is necessary. Some say this march was too slow, only a few of its resolutions are implemented; others say its failures exceed its successes, and its achievements are below its peoples aspirations. The reason for this is that in spite of the Gulf countries goodwill, there are many underlying contradictions which slacken its pace.

The GCC s annual report submitted in the 29th session last December does not fulfil peoples aspirations and hopes. It reviews these achievements at length; however a closer reading shows few results. It is full of resolutions and projects which have not been implemented. However, on a more objective note, the report refers to widening the scope of dialogue and popular participation through the Supreme Council s Advisory Panel, which was established on the proposal of the State of Kuwait at the 1997 summit held in Kuwait. It is a high-level body consisting of thirty advisors, five from each country. Its duties include presenting views and studies, putting forward solutions in relevant economic, social and cultural sectors. The Panel addressed a number of key issues, such as the employment and movement of national manpower, developing scientific and technological abilities, education reform and unified curricula, and the empowerment of women in the economy, the environment and energy. These and other issues invigorate the Council s action and make it more responsive to its peoples needs.

At the military level, the report outlines cooperation in this field since the establishment of the Jazeera Shield force and the signing of the Joint Defence Agreement in 2000, and approval of a number of joint military projects, such as the Cooperation Belt project, which links GCC countries air operations and defences automatically, secures communications among the armies and plans for joint military exercises.

At the security level, the Council approved a project for the development of the comprehensive security strategy which is designed to protect borders, upgrade security forces, combat terrorism and extremism, promote regional and international cooperation in fighting crime. This is an impressive achievement, but it should be implemented as soon as possible to face organized crime and escalating terrorist activities.

At the economic level, the main objective of the creation of the GCC was the establishment of a Gulf common market, but to achieve this end, many things in different areas need to be done. Let s not forget that preparations for the European common market took about half a century to complete. It was hoped that the Gulf countries similar economic, social and cultural structures would make integration faster. To begin with, a customs union was created where goods are cleared through the first customs post in any Gulf country and then move easily and freely to other member states. A 5% uniform customs tariff has been applied since January 2003, and goods of GCC origin are allowed to move freely, and Gulf nationals have full equality to practise professions and investment and real estate activities. But a crucial issue remains, namely a schedule for currency union and ultimately a single Gulf currency.

A sudden blow

The single Gulf currency programme suffered a severe blow just a few days before the 28th anniversary of the GCC when the UAE announced its withdrawal from the Gulf Currency Unity Agreement, the second country to do so after Oman. There were reports that the UAE wanted to be the host country of the Gulf Central Bank. GCC member states had decided that Saudi Arabia would be the host country as a safe haven for the single currency in view of its political and economic weight in the region. But the UAE says its economic role is equally important among Gulf states, in addition to flexible banking systems adaptability to changes. This crisis will no doubt delay - but not prevent concluding a common market agreement if the GCC adopts a policy of dialogue and understanding among the six member states which should know that it is in their common interest to have a single currency that makes them a powerful currency zone without being tied to foreign currencies, protect their economy from financial collapse and set up a financial system which enhances development.

Visions for the future

Whatever the criticism we Gulf nationals direct to the GCC we know that it is the ground that we all should stand on as we look to the future. Reactivating the scores of GCC resolutions is the only way to realize our ambitions. The starting point may be revision and evaluation. The too many resolutions and the tens of promises in the annual report are not enough, but the reason behind the delay in implementation should be identified. Is it lack of Gulf counties awareness of the value of this unity step and too much adherence to the concept of national sovereignty and freedom of decision-making? Is it the bureaucratic impediments provided by junior officials when they feel their power is undermined at local level and so stick to narrow legal and job formalities? Is it the exclusivity of each Gulf state and difference of opinion over the concept of joint action and unity? The GCC s stances and resolutions should be transparent.

As far as the Gulf Common Market is concerned, it is not just a slogan, but a dream we all must make it come true. But this ambitions project needs an infrastructure which facilitates development and the movement of individuals and goods. Therefore a pan-Arab railway project should be launched. All this will ensure integration and common interests and will be effective at the social level, and turn the Gulf counties into a single state that can be marketed in terms of investment and tourism.

At the military level, the GCC is entrusted with an enormous task, namely a unified Gulf army to defend its borders and deter aggressors. The first step in this respect may be a single source of weapons. The current suppliers of weapons are the USA, France and Britain, and having a single supplier provides some sort of homogeneity among the armies and prepare them for the next step weapon manufacturing. Many countries on the fringes of the Gulf, such as Iran, manufacture most of their conventional weapons, in addition to large amounts of advanced spare parts, which prepares it to stand on the threshold of nuclear weapons. When the Gulf countries join forces, our stature will not be below that of Iran and will certainly meet all challenges to its existence.

The GCC should also take the nuclear concern into account. Nuclear energy is the future source when oil is completely depleted. The peaceful use of nuclear energy will reduce the Gulf s reliance on oil reserves. The UAE was the first country in the Gulf which announced its intention to build a nuclear reactor (under an agreement with France) with no objection from the USA. The other Gulf countries will follow suit and there will be a central nuclear agency which all countries share in, benefit from and engage their nationals in.

Arab Gulf countries should take the environment issue more seriously. We all live on the coast of a closed sea which is full of the waste of oil supertankers and three wars in 25 years. This threatens their water resources and marine wealth. An arid, sandy desert surrounds them, in addition to environmental pollution resulting from industrial development. The GCC must stress that the Gulf is a special marine area that no ship whatever its nationality may be may pollute. Special facilities for ship waste disposal should rapidly be provided, and the Gulf countries should join the International Environmental Protection Agreement to preserve the future of their territory and existence.

It goes without saying that the GCC formula will not be complete without popular participation. The Gulf peoples alone can achieve and protect its successes, and the Advisory Panel is just a first step in wider popular involvement. NGOs should play a role, and popular control agencies should monitor the GCC s achievements. GCC officials should welcome criticism and revision as the ultimate objective is evolution and support of its march. Breaking into the world of the future is not easy; it requires a lot of work, flexibility and sacrifice from Gulf governments and peoples alike. The GCC is still young and has the ability and resources to develop and seize all available opportunities to be a powerful economic and security bloc in the region and be the main player in its affairs, not just an onlooker. It can be a model for all Arabs to copy, and an experiment for building new Arab communities which are worth living.